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on MENA - Middle East and North Africa |
| By: | Werenfels, Isabelle |
| Abstract: | For decades, Maghrebi decision-makers have instrumentalised friend and foe narratives with regard to Israel and Iran, two of the most controversial regional actors in the MENA region. Only Morocco has official relations with Israel, only Algeria and Tunisia with Iran. A systematic analysis of news agency reports and social media shows that political elites in the Maghreb exploit public sentiment on Israel and Iran for their own domestic and foreign policy ends: distracting from socio-economic challenges, restricting freedom of expression, strengthening the security apparatus, demonising neighbours, and nation-branding. The escalation of violence in the Middle East since 7 October 2023 has amplified existing trends in the three Maghreb states concerning Israel and to a lesser extent Iran, and revealed almost unanimous public rejection of Israel and, to a lesser degree, growing sympathies for Iran. The official responses vary: Rabat is sticking to its normalisation with Israel and rejection of Iran. Algiers is seeking to position itself as a voice for global justice in the international arena, while the Tunisian president styles himself as one of the Arab World's most steadfast proponents of the 'liberation' of Palestine. Decision-makers in Europe need to develop an understanding of the frustrations in the Maghreb over Western double standards, and of the fundamentally different perspectives on Israel/Palestine. Otherwise they risk losing all their (civil society) partners in the region. At the same time, European policy-makers should be attentive when Maghrebi governments restrict freedom of expression and religious pluralism under the pretext of opposing Israel or Iran and - in the case of Algeria and Morocco - resort to potentially destabilising propaganda and sabre-rattling. |
| Keywords: | Israel, Iran, Maghreb, MENA region, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, news agency reports, social media, nation-branding, socio-economic challenges, restricting freedom of expression, strengthening the security apparatus |
| Date: | 2024 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:swprps:298858&r= |
| By: | Stillman, Sarah; Rozo, Sandra V; Tamim, Abdulrazzak; Palmer, I Bailey; Smith, Emma; Miguel, Edward |
| Abstract: | This paper presents descriptive statistics from the first wave of the Syrian Refugee Life Study (S-RLS), which began in 2020. S-RLS is a longitudinal study that tracks a representative sample of approximately 2, 500 registered Syrian refugee households in Jordan. It collects comprehensive data on sociodemographic variables, health and well-being, preferences, social capital, attitudes, and safety and crime perceptions. We use these data to document sociodemographic characteristics of Syrian refugees in Jordan and compare them to representative populations in the 2016 Jordan Labor Market Panel Survey (JLMPS). Our findings point to lags in basic service access, housing quality, and educational attainment for Syrian refugees relative to non-refugees. The impacts of the pandemic may partially explain these disparities. The data also show that most Syrian refugees have not recovered economically after Covid-19 and have larger gender disparities in income, employment, prevalence of child marriage, and gender attitudes than their non-refugee counterparts. Finally, mental health problems were common for Syrian refugees in 2020, with depression indicated among more than 45 per cent of the phone survey sample and 61 per cent of the in-person survey sample. |
| Keywords: | Economics, Banking, Finance and Investment, Applied Economics, Commerce, Management, Tourism and Services, Behavioral and Social Science, Mental Health, Basic Behavioral and Social Science, Coronaviruses, Social Determinants of Health, Good Health and Well Being, refugees, Syria, Jordan, sociodemographics, Econometrics, Banking, finance and investment, Applied economics |
| Date: | 2022–09–15 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:cdl:econwp:qt6hr6f3wx&r= |
| By: | Elise Boz-Acquin (UVSQ - Université de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines) |
| Abstract: | This paper aims to stress similarities between France and Turkey to shade the vision of systematically opposing them, but this does not mean that the two countries are identical: obviously, there are societal, historical, and cultural differences between them. But contrary to the common idea that tends to oppose them, there are similar points. They resemble in many ways, especially in their foreign policy interweaving internal and external issues throughout their national security strategy which is shaped by the President himself without any other power to intervene, including the Parliament. The diplomatic tensions between France and Turkey are therefore part of an institutional context of a strong concentration of power by the two Presidents, driven by the desire to pursue their country's foreign and defense policies on their own. |
| Abstract: | Sur la scène internationale, les positions de la France et de la Turquie paraissent souvent frontales d'où la tendance des commentateurs à les cantonner à des postures irréconciliables. A rebours de cette approche, la présente contribution vise à comprendre si ce qui les sépare ne les rapprocherait pas singulièrement − tout en prenant acte de leur évidente différence − pour mener cette réflexion qui fait défaut en l'état de l'art. Leur similitude ressort nettement lorsque l'on rejoint l'analyse en relations internationales et la géopolitique à celle menée en droit constitutionnel et les institutions politiques permettant ainsi de nuancer leur opposition systématique. Cette « approche globale », qui met l'accent à la fois sur les volets interne et externe de ces deux pays, pour mieux comprendre l'impact des institutions politico-militaires sur leur politique étrangère et diplomatie, conduit à des données convergentes. |
| Keywords: | Strategic continuum, Political institutions, Foreign policy, National security, Continuum stratégique, Institutions politiques, Politique étrangère, Sécurité nationale, France |
| Date: | 2024–06–01 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hal:journl:hal-04624619&r= |
| By: | Lacher, Wolfram |
| Abstract: | Prevailing approaches to understanding Islamist mobilisation struggle to explain why militant Islamist movements in Libya initially spread rapidly after 2011 and then disappeared almost overnight. Their decline poses a puzzle for conventional analyses. Tactical choices, such as the search for protection or allies, fuelled both the rise and fall of militant Islamists. The tactical options that were in fact considered by conflict actors were also determined by social factors, such as relationships of trust they maintained and the social acceptance they enjoyed. The short-lived flourishing of militant Islamist movements can be understood as a fashion, among other things. Protagonists sought to socially demarcate themselves or to conform by superficially adopting Islamist rhetoric and aesthetics and then discarding them again. Analysing the dramatic decline of militant Islamist movements helps to understand the full range of motivations fuelling their rise. Social recognition has so far been overlooked as a motivation for armed mobilisation. The Libyan case shows that labels such as 'Islamists' and 'jihadists' need to be treated with extreme caution, particularly in the context of ongoing conflicts. External actors should first recognise that conflict parties deliberately misuse such categories, and second they should develop a precise understanding of the social environment in which militant Islamist movements operate. |
| Keywords: | Islamist, militant Islamists, Libya, Muammar al Gaddafi, Arab Spring, social recognition, social environment, jihadists, conflicts |
| Date: | 2024 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:swprps:299228&r= |
| By: | Morrison, Kelly; Savun, Burcu; Donno, Daniela; Davutoglu, Perisa |
| Abstract: | By influencing beliefs about electoral quality, international election observation missions (EOMs) play an important role in shaping post-election contention. As the number and variety of international organizations (IOs) involved in election monitoring has grown, many elections host multiple missions, and disagreement among them is common. This phenomenon of competing judgments is particularly prevalent in electoral authoritarian regimes, as leaders seek to invite “friendly” IOs to counteract possible criticism from more established EOMs. Drawing from research about the varying domestic credibility of EOMs and the demobilizing effects of disinformation, we argue that competing judgments increase uncertainty about electoral quality, which in turn dampens post-election contention. Using newly available data on EOM statements as reported in the international media, we show that competing judgments reduce post-election contention in a sample of 115 non-liberal democracies from 1990–2012. A survey experiment in Turkey solidifies the micro-foundations of our argument: Individuals exposed to competing judgments have more positive perceptions of election quality and less support for post-election mobilization, compared to those receiving information only about EOM criticism. Our findings provide systematic evidence that governments holding flawed elections have incentives to invite multiple election observation missions to hedge against the political risks of criticism. |
| Keywords: | Social and Behavioral Sciences, Election monitoring, election observation missions (EOMs), international organizations, post-election contention, authoritarian governments |
| Date: | 2023–08–23 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:cdl:globco:qt3kc4f57j&r= |
| By: | International Monetary Fund |
| Abstract: | Jordan’s economy continues to show resilience despite a challenging external environment. The economy continues to grow, albeit at a somewhat slower pace, inflation is low, and reserve buffers are strong. Growth is projected to pick up pace in 2025, contingent upon the Israel-Gaza conflict ending and its impact fading. Uncertainty is high, however, and structural challenges remain, with continued high unemployment. |
| Date: | 2024–07–01 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:imf:imfscr:2024/197&r= |
| By: | Kang, Munsu (KOREA INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY (KIEP)); Son, SungHyun (KOREA INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY (KIEP)); Ryou, Kwangho (KOREA INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY (KIEP)); Lee, Jieun (KOREA INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY (KIEP)); Han, Saerom (Sookmyung Women's University) |
| Abstract: | 중동·북아프리카 지역의 에너지 보조금 정책 개혁에 관한 논의는 정부 재정 건전화, 사회보장 서비스 확대를 위한 재원 확보, 기후변화 대응 및 탈탄소화를 근거로 지속적으로 이루어지고 있다. 그러나 2010년대 이후 이루어진 보조금 정책 개혁에 따라 물가가 급등하면서 사회적 불안정이 발생하는 계기가 되기도 하였다. 이에 본 연구에서는 2010~21년 사이 에너지 보조금 정책이 중동·북아프리카 지역 경제 활동과 환경에 미친 영향, 그리고 에너지 보조금에 관한 사회적 인식도 조사를 바탕으로 보조금 정책 개혁을 위한 정책 과제를 제시하였다. 에너지 보조금 개혁에 관한 논의는 역내 경제 성장, 사회적 영향, 그리고 환경적인 영향까지 종합적으로 고려해서 이루어져야 하는바, 이에 본 연구에서는 취약계층을 위한 사회 서비스 개선, 대중교통 시스템 및 에너지 효율성 개선, 재생에너지 지원 확대, 캠페인을 통한 인식 개선을 정책 과제로 제시하였다. In recent years, international efforts have been made to reduce fossil fuel-based energy subsidies as the energy transition has accelerated in response to climate change. As part of a social contract, energy subsidies have been used to stabilize domestic prices and stimulate the economy, especially in the Middle East and North Africa. As a result, per capita energy subsidies in the Middle East and North Africa (hereafter referred to as MENA) have reached the highest levels in the world, and excessive government spending has also been identified as a factor preventing the expansion of social services for the most vulnerable. In light of the decarbonization trends and research showing that energy subsidies contribute to air pollution, subsidy policies are at a critical crossroads between reduction and maintenance. However, the Arab Spring in 2011 occurred in countries that attempted to reduce energy subsidies and resulted in consumer prices rises contributing to political instability. More recently, the overall increase in energy subsidies since 2020 was also an attempt to stabilize the domestic situation by overcoming the economic downturn through the successive outbreaks of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian-Ukrainian war. Despite its importance, there is little research on the impact and social perceptions of energy subsidy policies in the MENA region with coverage since the late 2010s. To fill this gap, this study focuses on the impact of energy subsidy policies on the economy and environment, and social perceptionsof energy subsidies in the MENA region. Using satellite data such as nighttime lights and air pollution concentrations, this study examines trends in energy subsidy policies and levels in the MENA region in the 2010-2021 period. Lastly, we conducted an online survey to examine awareness of energy subsidy policy and policy reform in the MENA. Based on these findings, this study proposed recommendations for energy subsidy policy reform, taking into account the MENA context. (the rest omitted) |
| Keywords: | Middle East and North Africa(MENA); climate change; energy subsidy reform; energy transition |
| Date: | 2023–12–29 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ris:kieppa:2023_018&r= |